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Marise Payne does it again

UPDATE 1.15PM by Margo: The Coalition will have a special joint partyroom meeting later this week to discuss the terror laws and IR. Despite this, Howard will force a House of Representatives vote on terror tonight at about 8pm. Labor will move an amendment removing sedition from the package as recommended by the Senate Committee, putting Liberal MPs who oppose sedition like Petro Georgiou and Malcolm Turnbull in an awful bind. More contempt for Parliamentary process by Howard. And for "his" MPs. Webdiary's terror laws archive is here.

G'day. NSW Senator Marise Payne has again managed to broker a united two party position on the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs committee she chairs. Her committee previously handed down the devastating report into the non-ASIO slab of the Government's 2002 terror package, which saw Liberal backbenchers stare down the government and broker balanced changes.

After that report Marise wrote a piece for Webdiary at Payne and gain. Today, her speech to the Senate yesterday presenting the Committee's report. It was scheduled to be tabled without comment, and Marise got all of 5 minute to prepare her 5 minute speech. Good stuff.

Today we'll find out if true Liberals are prepared to back their judgement and their core beliefs and take on Ruddock - who dismissed its recommendations almost instantly yesterday. Could be an interesting joint partyroom meeting.

To end, yesterday's press releases on the report from Committee members Natasha stott Despoja for the Dems and Kerry Nettle for The Greens. You can read Natasha's official comments on the package here and Kerry's and Bob Brown's official views here.

*

ANTI-TERRORISM BILL (NO. 2) 2005

Report of Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee

Senator PAYNE (New South Wales) (4.33 p.m.)—I present the report of the Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee on the provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Bill (No. 2) 2005, together with the Hansard record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.

Ordered that the report be printed.

Senator PAYNE—I seek leave to move a motion in relation to the report.

Leave granted.

Senator PAYNE—I move:

That the Senate take note of the report.

This legislation, the Anti-Terrorism Bill (No. 2) 2005, is the latest in a suite of legislation placed before the Australian parliament since approximately mid-2002. Its derivation and background are no secret to any of us. It is based in the changes that have taken place in the international security climate since the events of September 2001. Usually when bills such as this come before the Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee a member of the committee—notoriously, on many occasions, Senator Mason—asks the authorities that appear before us when they seek more power, as is done comprehensively in this legislation, what powers they are prepared to give up that perhaps they no longer have use for. The committee rarely receives a comprehensive answer to that, but I think it is a very important message for the Senate to have in its mind in consideration of this report.

The Senate Legal and Constitutional Legislation Committee has over several years now considered very serious measures in legislation placed before it by the government and endeavoured on all occasions to examine those responsibly, seriously and comprehensively. It has been noted that in recent times the Senate committee has been presented with a swift timetable in which this action has been required. That is so, but we believe that in presenting this report today, of in excess of 250 pages, we have examined the issues and concerns raised during the committee’s inquiry in relation to the key provisions of the bill and that we have made constructive suggestions in response to many of those as well as taking into account, of course, the responses of the authorities, the law enforcement agencies and the Attorney-General’s Department. In a report which I would describe as a consensus report—that is to say that the elected members of the committee are agreed on the substance of the report, although some have made additional comments—the committee has made 52 recommendations which we believe go a long way towards enhancing the operation of the bill. The report sets out those key findings and recommendations and I would like to speak briefly to some of those.

In relation to preventative detention and control orders in schedule 4 of the legislation, the committee received a significant amount of evidence from a broad cross-section of the community, from legal practitioners, academics and government representatives in relation to the introduction and operation of those orders. There is no doubt that they are a very serious incursion into the way in which we currently expect to be able to live our lives in Australia. We are told that they are in response to very serious incursions into and threats against the way we expect to be able to live our lives in Australia. In that regard, the committee gave very careful consideration to the evidence and particularly to the very practical advice that was given to us by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, the Commonwealth Ombudsman and the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security.

A cursory reading of the report’s recommendations will indicate that many of the recommendations are aimed procedurally at enhancing the safeguards attached to preventative detention orders and control orders, and many are based on the advice received from those three very important authorities. They include the protection of minors when in detention, certain rights of detainees in relation to making representations on their own behalf and access to lawyers. We also advocate that the Ombudsman have a very active oversight role in this process. We believe that those recommendations are balanced, that they will strengthen what are very important procedural safeguards without undermining the capacity of the police, most importantly, to respond to identifiable terrorist threats.

I also want to speak in relation to law enforcement issues and the ASIO powers that are contained in various schedules of the bill and in chapter 6 of the report. The requests for expanded powers both from law enforcement agencies and from ASIO are considered very seriously by the committee. In our recommendations we have endeavoured to address concerns raised about the potential breadth of those powers. We have, for example, suggested the insertion of several statutory safeguards and what might be described as checks and balances on the use of the new powers that will enable an adequate protection of the civil liberties that we have come to expect in this nation without undermining, as I have said before, the powers of police and ASIO to do their job in this very difficult environment. We have suggested the tasking of the Commonwealth Ombudsman with comprehensive oversight of the use of those powers under schedule 5, the preservation of legal professional privilege and other duties of confidence and the limitation of the request for ASIO’s extended powers to investigations that specifically relate to suspected terrorist activities and terrorism offences only.

The committee received some evidence in relation to the financing of terrorism and the money-laundering aspects of the bill. To address those concerns, the committee has suggested that the bill commence on a date to be proclaimed as opposed to a fixed date. It is hoped that government and the relevant interests in this area are able to come to an agreeable solution on that matter.

I want to speak also about the matter of reporting to parliament on the review and sunset provisions. It will be evident from the report that the committee takes its role and the parliamentary role in this area very seriously. We suggest six-monthly reporting on the use of preventative detention and control orders. We suggest a five-year review of the legislation by a committee similar to that currently known as the Sheller committee and a five-year sunset period. All senators will know that the original bill proposed a 10-year sunset period. The committee, with the best of its diligent searching, has been unable to find an equivalent sunset period in other legislation. These powers are extraordinary in nature and we believe that they should be reviewed publicly, within a shorter time frame, before there is a decision on whether to extend them.

I want to finish on the question of schedule 7 of the bill and chapter 5 of the report, and that is the question of sedition and advocacy. Almost 300 submissions were received by the committee. The overwhelming majority of those submissions raised very serious concerns about the proposed updating of sedition offences. They came from a range of organisations and, I think it is fair to say, not just the ‘usual suspects’. During his second reading speech the Attorney-General announced a review of these provisions to be conducted next year. In light of that, in light of the very serious concerns raised with the committee, in light of the state of existing laws, which include the offence of treason, the crime of incitement and the laws contained also in this bill in relation to advocacy, the committee considers that the comprehensive review indicated should take place before the sedition provisions are enacted. As a whole, we considered it was inappropriate to enact legislation which is in advance considered to be in need of review.

We understand that this is a very serious recommendation. We suggest that the Australian Law Reform Commission is an ideal body to undertake that review to inquire into the most appropriate legislative measures to address the issue of sedition and incitement of terrorism. As you will recall, Mr Acting Deputy President Brandis, there was extensive discussion of the provisions of the bill and of the revival of the concept of the offence of sedition and where that would take us were we to have this enacted and then a review presented to us. In the event of that recommendation not being taken up, the committee has made a number of alternative suggestions, which concern sedition, to address measures provided for in the bill that were also of concern. The committee makes this recommendation very seriously and with awareness of its importance.

As I said earlier, the inquiry took place over a short period of time and the hearings were intensive, with in excess of 10 senators participating in virtually every moment of those hearings. It is an indication of the level of interest that so many submissions were received in such a short period of time. It is important that I, as chair, place on record my thanks to members of the committee and participating senators who assisted in this process and to indicate that the general consensus nature of the report indicates the very important process Senate review can provide. The consensus nature of the report indicates that we can move forward on these extremely contentious areas of legislation and these invasions, some would say, of civil liberties which match the invasions of our own way of life in the current security environment.




<> 
Aust Democrats logo

Anti-terrorism bill flawed and dangerous

The Anti-Terrorism Bill (No. 2) 2005 will erode key legal rights and principles and undermine fundamental legal principles, according to the Australian Democrats.

The Democrats' concerns were detailed by Attorney-Generals Spokesperson Senator Natasha Stott Despoja, in additional comments to the Senate Legal and Constitutional Committee's report on the Bill (tabled in the Senate this afternoon).

"In particular, we are concerned about potential breaches of international law; the removal of legal professional privilege; the treatment of children aged 16 to 18; the authorisation of preventative detention and control orders; and the proposed changes to sedition law," Senator Stott Despoja said.

"These provisions are even more disturbing given the lack of access to full judicial review for those subject to preventative detention orders; the lack of review mechanisms in the legislation; and, the extended sunset clause.

"The Democrats were successful in extending the committee's reporting date by an additional three weeks to examine this complex and wide-ranging legislation.

"Under this legislation, children may be preventatively detained with adults, and the conversations between non-suspects and their lawyers can be monitored.

"These provisions fly in the face of international law, including the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The bill may also allow advocacy organisations to be punished for the comments of an individual.

"The provisions contained in the bill are particularly worrying given Australia does not have a Bill of Rights or a Human Rights Act. We are the only common law country without such protections.

"The Democrats will move a range of amendments to this legislation, in an attempt to ameliorate its worst aspects and restore protections for ordinary Australians," Senator Stott Despoja said.




Greens logo

Senate terror inquiry falls short: Greens

Senator Nettle, 28th November 2005

The report into the government's Anti-Terrorism (No. 2) Bill 2005 tabled by a Senate committee today has strongly criticised but failed to oppose the bill, Australian Greens Senators Nettle and Brown said today.

Greens Senators Bob Brown and Kerry Nettle who were part of the Legal and Constitutional Committee inquiry have tabled a minority report saying that the bill should be rejected.

"The evidence to the inquiry with the exception of the government, the police and ASIO was critical of the bill. This is reflected in the report but not in the final recommendation of the Senate Committee," Senator Nettle said.

"It is good to see the suggestion that sedition should go but what about detention without charge or trial?" Senator Brown asked.

"There is no way the suggested safeguards can make this bill safe. Innocent people will be locked up in some cases for 12 months." Senator Nettle said.

"The evidence to the inquiry showed there was no need for these new powers. It is a shame Liberal and Labor Senators have toed the party line", Senator Brown concluded.

"The Greens will move to amend the bill to require conformity with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights," Senator Brown said.


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re: Marise Payne does it again

I'm still not convinced we need to further empower our security agencies legislatively, either, instead perhaps giving them better training and resources.

But then I'm not really sure we should be putting sanctions on Singapore. After all, we all opposed the sanctions on Iraq when the entire Kurdish population were under threat, didn't we?

Funny mob the Greens.

re: Marise Payne does it again

Marilyn Shepherd, of course we have to keep a check on the Muslims, especially the clerics who need to be put in their place.

If you are talking about "vile poison" have a listen to the stuff they are preaching.

re: Marise Payne does it again

When the ALP removes the requirement for caucus solidarity, sacks the whips and introduces the conscience vote, then we can start carrying on about Howardian contempt for parliament.

re: Marise Payne does it again

This unseemly rush does make one wonder what the hidden agenda is that Howard doesn't want even his own party to discover.

What on earth IS in the fine fine print? Anyone had time to read it word by word with this in mind?

re: Marise Payne does it again

To the Senators,

Thank you for your considerations and recommendations, though I lean heavily towards a much more watered down version of the Act and agree with Senator Natasha Stott Despoja. I encourage her and Senator Bob Brown to keep up the pressure.

Ross

re: Marise Payne does it again

I heard Senator Payne this morning and have one piece of advice for her and Brandis and Mason.

Chuck the entire bill in the bin. Cross the floor against laws we just don't need and remember what a disaster the AG made of immigration.

This is a man devoid of sense, devoid of grace, devoid of humanity who has eaten his own soul for the sake of being a minister.

This bill is not to lock up the "other" like the refugee laws were, this is a bill to lock us up.

Us, Marise. Ordinary people who openly and outspokenly despise your mob. The mob who have spread and supported and indulged and encouraged the vile poison that has infected us all for the past 5 years.

The poison of open racism and cruelty to our fellow human beings, the poison that is fostered again with these laws.

I said in my submission to the committee that to say this is not directed toward muslims is utter tripe - of course it is.

You hear it on the radio, in the streets, in cafes and everywhere in Australia.

"It doesn't affect me it is only to keep a check on muslims."

When we ponder that think about Vivian Alvarez, Cornelia Rau, Robert Jovicic, Stefan Nystrom and hundreds of others who believed they were ordinary Australians and ended up caught under Ruddocks vile laws.

Come on Senators - have some spine, not like you did with the kids overboard laws. Chuck the bill in the bin where it belongs or give it to Robert Mugabe as a blue print for his new lawa or hand it to President Hu.

I feel sure they will appreciate it.

re: Marise Payne does it again

Gordon, we will take note of what you say, as well as listening to the vile lies of our esteemed leaders. Just remember, we have killed far more of them than they have of us. Or haven't you read that the death toll of innocents in Iraq is now well over 100,000?

I think we should bear this in mind while we do our duty and "hate" the Muslims.

re: Marise Payne does it again

C Parsons, when were the entire Kurdish population under threat?

Having studied the whole Iraq situation for some years now, I can say they were never, ever under threat as a nation from Iraq.

In fact they were better treated in Iraq than either Turkey or Iran, the other countries which include Kurds in their populations. They were even allowed to teach in their own language, which the others were not.

I know there were no fly zones. This was quite farcical really, and was a good way to keep Hussein under control and show him who was really the boss.

Even the "genocide" of the Kurds by Hussein, of which much has been made, is now proven to be untrue. It was the Iranians, in fact, that had this particular kind of gas. Iraq was sold mustard gas by the West, Iran got nerve gas. And the attack occurred while a vicious war (which lasted about 10 years) was going on. It will be interesting to see if this is brought up as a crime committed by Hussein in the farcical court the US has invented. Interesting that the US is not interested in joining the real "international court".

At the most, Kuwait was under attack. However, Kuwait was waging economic warfare on Iraq, by flooding the market with oil at a time when Iraq needed the money from its oil for reparation payments, and were also slant drilling into Iraqi land.

Besides, Iraqis always believed Kuwait really belonged to them. Instead the West carved it out to use as a Western oriented nation, and Hussein should have realised that Bush I lied when he said his war with Kuwait was of no concern to them.

That was Hussein's error. Then, of course, the oil became state owned under him and was actually used to help the people. And even more recently, he changed from petrodollars to Euros. The US did not like that.

And no, I don't think we should put sanctions on Singapore. What right do we have to say whether or not a country should carry out the death penalty if that is in order in their country? And no, I am not "for" the death penalty at all, wish Singapore did not use the death penalty, and am sorry for the young man, particularly as he was helping his brother out, and it was a first offence.

However, Australia is behind the US, led by Bush Jnr, and he was excellent at killing people while governor of Texas. I think he racheted up about 114 death penalties in that short time. So I hardly think we have the right.

Regarding the anti-terror laws, I have read all I can about this. Pages and pages of it. Kevin Dennis is absolutely correct. We will become a police state. And perhaps we'd better go quietly into the night, or we may get another "terr'st attack", this time on our own land.

re: Marise Payne does it again

Daphne O'Brien, yes I have read about the 100,000 killed in Iraq, but only in the pieces that Marilyn writes, and we know how accurate her figures are. (Margo: Incorrect, Gordon - see the flood of comments to John Faulkner's speech Counting the dead in Iraq.)

"Even the "genocide" of the Kurds by Hussein, of which much has been made, is now proven to be untrue. It was the Iranians, in fact, that had this particular kind of gas". What on earth are you reading these days? I would stick to Womens Day if I were you.

re: Marise Payne does it again

No Gordon, I am talking about the vile poison Howard and Ruddock spout against the muslims.

Bloody hell mate, we have helped blow two muslim countries to bits - it makes me as mad as hell and spewing hate for sections of my own country and I am not a muslim.

re: Marise Payne does it again

Daphne Obrien, what a magnificent defence of the Hussein dictatorship. I don't think I have seen such a vigorous pro-Hussein argument before in Australia. However in arguing against the consensus record you failed to avoid going a big step too far. You exonerate Iraq from gassing Kurds - it is now proven that Iran did it you say. Proven? I'm afraid the ratbag conspiracy theory web-sites saying this don't constitute proof. I have no time for the Iran regime but they didn't do this.

re: Marise Payne does it again

Welcome to the new Australia. Today in the Sydney Morning Herald, Thomas Keneally asked:

"Why did agents claiming to be from the Attorney-General's Department visit the filmmaker Carmel Travers, who had on her computer a manuscript from whistle-blower Andrew Wilkie, and smash the hard drives of her two computers with hammers, a process they referred to as "cleansing"? Four other Australians, including Robert Manne, were similarly dealt with."

re: Marise Payne does it again

G'day. Grattan the Great goes for it at Wrong way, go back, but on they press:

Talk about poetic justice! The Government allowed only a quick and dirty Senate inquiry, but the committee still had time to find the most serious shortcomings in this draconian counter-terrorism legislation...

The Government is insulting its three experienced Coalition senators on the committee, Marise Payne, Brett Mason and Nigel Scullion. Driven by stubbornness and politics in refusing to press the pause button on sedition, it went over the top, got it wrong, and won't fix it when it logically should. Goodness knows whether it will ever do so. Why would it?

re: Marise Payne does it again

Philip Ruddock: "I do have a problem with those who urge, sometimes people who have limited capacity, sometimes young people, to use force or violence to achieve ends such as the overthrowing of governments, democratic institutions, against other groups in our society, against our troops."

(AM, ABC Radio 29 November, 2005)

On the other hand, he and his colleagues clearly had no problem with those who urged the young and those with "limited capacity" to use violence to overthrow governments in other parts of the world, say in Iraq and Afghanistan for example. After all, he and they were doing the urging.

In other words it is selective, not a general principle.

Margo: Indeed, Scott, and that's why this law is so dangerous. Under the sedition draft championed by Ruddock, shock jocks around the nation would be jailed for broadcasting calls to attack Aborigines, Muslims etc etc. One SJ in Adelaide broadcast a caller calling for Aboriginal rioters in Redern to be shot and their homes razed. The SJ agreed with the sentiment. Oh, no worries - that's just lifting the pall of censorship a la Howard's back-patting of Pauline Hanson in 1998. Because guess who has to approve prosecution? Ruddock, of course.

re: Marise Payne does it again

There is an extremely powerful but subtle effect hidden in these laws. It operates on the same silent convention that has, for instance, abused women returning again and again to the man who does it, or a person returning again and again to self destructive behaviour. It works because, even while a person knows something is bad for them, there is a sense of comfort in the knowledge it is bad.

It works like a running commentary behind a person's thoughts, urging that person to return to that sense of comfort, while their front of mind thoughts attempt to move forward and to grow.

To grow (away from the bad thing) is to move toward the unknown, toward an alternative. That is often very scary, and people choose against that fear and return to the comfort of the devil they know.

Over time, Australians will get used to sedition - it will become a part of our language. It will shape the way people think. We will know it's a bad thing, but we will silently acknowledge how powerful is this thing which has changed us.

And there will be a subtle force within people which urges them to return to the source of it, in favour of the alternative.

We may think now that it's easy to dislodge those thoughts. We may think now that if it gets too bad people will just vote the powers that be out. That will change.

It's that hidden subtle power which is just as beneficial to a purveyor of that fear, as is the overt dealing in fear. There is a political effect which would urge people to vote the purveyor of fear back in.

That is why, if these laws are passed, you won't find cartoonists and satirists locked up. That would ruin the subtle power of them.

And the members of the Coalition, if aware of this subtle power, will be hugely tempted to engage it for their own maintenance of power.

But they will be playing with fire if they do.

The thing is, it doesn't always work. It would be like calling a nation's bluff.

What the Coalition must also acknowledge, in understanding the subtlety of this power, is that when it is rejected, it is rejected with extreme and absolute conviction.

And at that moment, the once fearful and submissive become filled with a power themselves, and seek massive retribution.

Subtle powers like this can, in their extreme, hold sway over a person or population. They can also achieve the absolute reverse, and be met with what would be their political destruction.

In the age of the internet, and without the ability to control enough of the information, Australians are not likely given to be held beneath that subtle power.

It would be massive political risk to attempt in this country.

The end result, if those laws are passed as they are, would likely be a lingering sense of distate towards those who tried it on.

Unless the Coalition is absolutely certain of the powers they are invoking here, and absolutely certain of their effect, and are absolutely certain they can control that power and that effect, they'd be most certainly getting the rough end of the pineapple on this one.

Without that knowledge, it would be political Russian Roulette, with the chances weighted towards it backfiring on them.

No, what needs to be achieved for the national good is better served by laws which are clear and certain - that the laws' power and effect is fully known and fully understood.

Doing that would receive strong approval from the population, and their own plight safe and secure.

re: Marise Payne does it again

Just on the gassing of the Kurds thing, I haven't got a reference handy but I remember reading that the CIA decided that it was the Iranians as well. At the time, many on the left put that down to the fact that Iraq was then an ally and Iran the enemy, and dismissed the report as CIA propaganda!

re: Marise Payne does it again

ALP's Anti-terrorism Bill dissenters leave Harry Quick MP out in the cold

Project SafeCom Inc.
Media Release
Tuesday November 30 2005 7:45am WST
For immediate Release
No Embargoes

WA Human Rights action and lobby group Project SafeCom Inc. called this morning for an explanation by ALP backbenchers and dissenters with the Anti-terrorism Bill No 2 (2005) which passed through the House last night without a division being called.

Apart from the Member for Calare (IND), Mr Peter Andren, who called on the Speaker to note his disagreement with the Bill, the only other MP to do the same was Tasmanian ALP MP Mr Harry Quick who asked to go on the record to have his disagreement noted.

"Reports were received by us," spokesman Jack H Smit said, "that Dr Carmen Lawrence had absented herself from Parliament. What I would like to know," Mr Smit continued, "is what happened to other MPs who clearly are in dissent in ALP ranks over this and other Bills which are always supported by the Parliamentary Labor Party?"

"Where are MPs such as Mr Antony Albanese, Ms Tanya Plibersek, Mr Lindsey Tanner and the others who would have disagreed with the Bill if they would have been independent MPs?"

"Why are they given all Australians the impression that Harry Quick is the only one who dissents with the Bill, and even more importantly, why are they consciously contributing with the current state of affairs where the House Speaker gets away with not having to call for a Division in the House, thus avoiding a record in Hansard and in the public eye a listing of the names of those who vote against the Bill?"

"Is Harry Quick MP being left out in the Parliamentary Cold by our MPs?"

See the Terrorlaws section

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